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 “What we have in this country ... is not merely a government that is out of control but an entire ruling class that goes far beyond government
that is also out of control—governors who do not govern, who refuse to
punish or control the criminals and who criminalize the law-abiding through
gun control and then call that ‘crime control’; corporate
executives who make $2 million salaries and who whine that the American
worker is too greedy and makes too much money and who preside over the
evaporation of the middle class core of the nation; and a cultural elite that
hates and despises and constantly laughs at the working and middle class
American and constantly makes fun of or spits on our race, our nation, our
religion, our history, our families, our heritage, our civilization.”
—pages 300–301
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“There are many reasons why ‘movement
conservatism’ died, but probably the main one is that in the late
1970s and early 1980s it was invaded and largely captured by
‘neo-conservatives,’ who as former liberals and Leftists had only a shallow
grasp of conservative principles and how to articulate them. Moreover, many
neo-conservatives retained the basic world view of the Left and were
seriously uncomfortable with the real Right.”
—page 53
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“Columbus, of course, has long been at the top of the hit list of anti-Western, anti-white, and anti-American forces, because he supposedly made
possible the enslavement and exploitation of the peoples of the New World by
discovering it for white Christian Europeans. If you hate white Christian
Europe and everything it’s ever done, then it makes sense to hate Columbus—along with everyone else who had anything to do with the people and civilization of which he was a major part.”
—page 160
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“Unlike my friends of what is sometimes called the
‘neo-Confederate movement,’ I don’t argue that Lincoln’s
course of conduct or his language was deliberately deceptive, that he
intended all along to provoke war, overthrow the Constitution, and make
himself dictator in a Caesarian grab for power. I believe his actions, public
and private, contradict such an interpretation. But what they do not
contradict is my characterization of him as, first and last, a small-town
politico, more concerned with the spoils of office and the garnering of votes
than with the interests of the nation. He is simply the classic case of the
Peter Principle—a man promoted beyond the level of his competence.”
—page 200
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“One reason there’s not much of a debate about the mass
immigration that has swept into the country during the last 30 years is that
most of the eggheads who expound on immigration harbor the fond illusion
that the immigrants will assimilate—that is, learn the English language, adopt
Western and American values, and live, work, and conduct themselves like
everybody else in the country. That, of course, is pretty much what earlier
generations of immigrants did, and the result has been satisfactory for
everyone.
“But that’s not what present-day immigrants are doing, which
means that they’re not behaving the way the eggheads—and the
lawmakers who listen to them—anticipated.”
—page 14
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“The reliance on egalitarianism by the modern bureaucratic state is
relatively clear. Universal suffrage and equality of rights are created and
rigorously enforced by the state, and the mass electorate becomes a
perpetual horn of plenty from which the bureaucratic elite of the state can
continuously accumulate new power. The enlargement of the central state
reduces the diversified authority of state and local jurisdictions, and through
judicial expansion of the ‘equal protection’ clause of the 14th
Amendment, the agents of enhanced federal power have used the
Constitution itself as a hammer by which private, social, and local
impediments to equality can be broken down.”
—page 215
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“What we are seeing in this alienation of Middle Americans from
mainstream conservatism and the Republican party is, in my view, essentially
the emergence of a new paradigm in American politics ... a paradigm that is
essentially nationalist rather than right or left as we have historically known
these labels. Immigration, trade, sovereignty, and cultural issues all revolve
around national identity, and the new shape of politics in the future will see
the emergence of a new nationalism ... that will demand these issues be
addressed.”
—page 275
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“The attack on the Confederate flag and Confederate symbols
is merely a prelude, a kind of dress rehearsal, for a larger and even more
radical attack on all the symbols of the American heritage and American
civilization. The attack on Confederate symbols is coming first simply
because, given the demonization of the South and the Confederacy in recent
years, they are easier targets. They are associated with slavery and with
what is called ‘racism’ and with what is called
‘rebellion.’ But make no mistake, these are not the last
symbols that will come under attack, and already we can see the attacks
beginning as those on the Confederate symbols succeed.”
—page 278
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“The truth to which Americans are beginning to wake up is that
they’ve lost their country and that the elites not just in government,
in Congress, and in both political parties, but also in the economy, in the
multinational corporations, and in the culture, in our schools and universities
and the media and Hollywood and the publishing industry, are actively
un-American and anti-American and that they are doing everything they can to
actually abolish or do away with the American nation and its civilization and
even do away with the very population that created the nation and civilization
of America. They are doing so, I am arguing, not so much because those
elites are ‘decadent’ or ‘corrupt,’ though there is
plenty of that going around, but because these elites accurately see the
institutions and traditions of American civilization are actually obstacles to their own power
and their interests and they would rather increase their power than preserve
American civilization.”
—page 290
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